Israel, Anti-Semitism and the Labour Party

For the avoidance of doubt, I declare some Jewish heritage and ancestry.  I also declare a life-long support for (and even involvement in) left-wing politics. With these caveats in place, I want to say this: there is something deeply disturbing, and I think sinister, in the relentless howling about anti-semitism within the Labour Party.

I doubt there is a single UK organisation, political or commercial, where anti-semitic individuals cannot be found.  I bet there are plenty of antisemites in the Conservative party. In Britain we pride ourselves in our open-ness and tolerance: this is a delusion.  Racist, intolerant, bigotted and ignorant people are everywhere – have always been everywhere.  “I’m not a racist, but…” is more than just a stereotypical poke at closet racists.

That is an entirely different thing from accusing an organisation of being institutionally and corruptly racist, especially an organisation like the Labour Party whose raison d’etre is equality.  What’s going on then, why is this issue continually in the media, who is feeding the ‘fire’, and why?

One of the principal complaints against the Labour Party, especially it’s leadership (and specifically of Jeremy Corbyn) is that it refuses to accept the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) definition of Anti-Semitism without qualification.  Why is that?  Well it is rooted in the historic support of Labour (including similar parties in Israel itself) for the people of Palestine and the rejection of the recently adopted act of parliament in the Israeli parliament (the Knesset) which now defines Israel (icluding the occupied territories of Palestine and the previously Jordanian West Bank) as a Jewish state, as Zion.  This means that criticism of the state of Israel is, per se, anti-semiticNot only that, but this new law effectively legally confers on non-Jews, and non-Zionists, the status they have long suffered: of second class citizens in their own land.  For anyone, or any organisation, seeking justice and reconcilliation in the middle-east this is intolerable and unacceptable.  I offer this link to an article in Haaretz, an Israeli newspaper, which explains more;

In Israel, right now, there are practising Jews of all shades of political opinion; not all support the government which, over the years, has taken on more and more of the trappings and behaviour of a dictatorship.  This is viscerally unsettling, not least because of the historic persecution of Jews everywhere.  For generations the State of Israel has been a proxy-actor for “the west” in confronting Russia and in destabilising the arab nations.  They are past masters at formenting antagonism where the result is better military hardware and resources provided by America.  The pro-Israeli expatriot community, which is large (especially in America) is wealthy and politically influential.  In UK, now, we see the strength of that influence reaching into the UK political scene to destablise the Labour party and disrupt any posibility of a Labour Government and, especially, get rid of Jeremy Corbyn.  I don’t believe, for a moment, that Corbyn has (or has ever had) an anti-semitic hair on his body, but it suits his enemies within the Labour party, who don’t like the direction of travel of his policies (no matter how popular in the electorate) to either say he has, or to not defend him against those who say he has.  You don’t need to do other that look at the unvarnished history of Britain’s involvement in ‘colonising’ the middle-east, right back to the late nineteenth century, and our role in the creation of the State of Israel, to understand where all this really comes from.  It’s not about Jews or non-Jews, it’s not about the rights of the Palestinians, it’s about good old divide and rule, and the perpetuation of the military / industrial complex’s grip on the middle east (and its wealth).  It’s about global power projection, plain and simple.

That’s what we should be be up in arms about: we should be indignant that a powerful legitimate sympathy for Israel and Jewry, even within the Jewish community, is being subverted (and manipulated) by those whose own history (vis-a-vis racism, anti-semitism, etc) would not bear the close attention being focussed on the Labour party (and Jeremy Corbyn).  In short it’s a con job, a distraction, and we should not fall for it.



FUXIT and Flying Pigs – or How to Bugger a Continent

I’ve not written for some time about the so-called Brexit, the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union.  I got tired of writing and thinking about it as much as my readers must’ve got fed up of hearing my views about it. Sorry, but it’s time for a review.

2 years of negotiation with the EU has brought us to a critical point: there’s only 9 months to ‘B-day’ and, so far, there’s no agreement on the terms of our withdrawal or our future relationship (political, trading or military).  In broad terms the ‘Brexiteers’ seem to have the upper hand in a divided government.   Having unwisely fought, and almost lost, a ‘snap’ election last year, Prime Minister,Theresa May (allegedly a former ‘Remainer’) is hamstrung.  She dare not precipitate a leadership contest, and possible general election, by fronting down the hard line Brexiteers in her party.

The electorate, which is not all of the country, voted to leave by a relatively narrow margin of 52/48%.  Broadly the vote of older people was for Brexit, and of younger people to remain in the EU.  Many of those who voted to leave, it appears, were swayed more by perceptions of uncontrolled immigration than they were of the warnings about negative consequences for our economy.  Many were, it seems, attracted by the promise of increased funding for the NHS, paid for by a so-called “Brexit Dividend”: we’d redirect money formerly paid into the EU.

In recent weeks we’ve seen the collapse of the NHS finally admitted, not by words but by deeds: £20 billion is to be found.  This money is, though, to come from general taxation, which is a tacit admission that there will be NO “Brexit Dividend”. Even the government’s own Office of Budget Responsibility has called the Brexit Dividend an illusion.

Hopes for dramatically reduced immigration (“reduced to tens of thousands”) are being dashed.  They were, at best, based on misunderstanding and misrepresentation of a complex issue.  At worst it was blatant racism and xenophobia. The UK already has the means to control non-EU migration, and has failed to do it.  Why? It hasn’t the resources to identify, detain, and remove those who are already illegally here, even those who have committed criminal acts.  The tests and controls proposed to control EU migration, post-Brexit, are broadly the same as those with which they have failed to control non-EU migration.  The government is already talking about giving migrants who are here on Brexit day the right to stay on the basis of a three question test which an 11 year old could manage.

The pro-Brexit MPs are complaining that the EU isn’t negotiating seriously, or properly.  They are saying “No deal is better than a bad deal”.  This blustering, as a negotiating ploy, is making major industries nervous. Airbus and BMW, for example, are both major pan-european employers (and earners of foregin currency) and openly talking about quitting the UK if there is no ‘deal’.  Whether in the general public or politics, people have been ‘bleating’ in a childish “it’s my ball, and if you won’t play my way I’ll go home and take the ball with me” kind of way.

The fact is that we asked to leave the EU, they didn’t ask us to leave.  There are rules to EU membership – we helped write them!  Call them the Terms and Conditions if you like.  How many of us buy a non-refundable ticket on-line without reading the T&Cs?  A lot.  How far do they get if they try to cancel the ticket.  Nowhere.  Why do we think that anyone should give us exceptions if our approach is to say, “Yes we knew about the T&Cs but we don’t like them”?

In the UK parliament we have had the spectacle of our upper chamber, the un-elected House of Lords, repeatedly throwing legislation back at the Commons in an effort to force the Government to cede the final decision on any Brexit deal to the elected UK parliament, not the Government.  This is great for anti-Brexiteers, and actually for the EU too, but it is a really important point of principle for a parliamentary democracy.  To let parliament vote on the final terms is not a subversion of democracy (by possibly overturning the original brexit referendum) but a reinforcement of democracy.  Parliament must be sovereign, otherwise our (unwritten) constitution is worthless.

Now, we have to add into this mess two things: 1) the fact this has never happened in the EU before, and 2) the rise of the “Right” more generally in European politics.  Not everything in the EU garden is rosy.  There have been, and remain, tensions about the direction of travel of the EU project – more integration vs more independence.  After the global financial crash in 2008, the near bankruptcy of states like Italy and Greece created a real possibility of dissintegration. Because it’s never been done before the EU is having to negotiate Brexit from the ground up: it’s having to make (and negotiate amongst 27 individual states) the rules for a state leaving.  It has to do this with one eye on whoever might follow the UK ‘out of the door’, so it’s in its best interests to make that process as difficult and painful as possible – or risk states leaving as and whenever there is another change of national government (which in Italy is about every 12 months).  The EU cannot afford to have a membership revolving door: when countries apply to join it cannot be on the basis of “if we don’t like it or get what we want we can always bail out again”.  If it is to mean anything, the EU, and membership of it, must be about the collective good.

Unfortunately throughout the Brexit period we have seen a significant shift from collaborative to isolationist politics generally.  The wave of anti-immigrant feeling that, in part, gave birth to Brexit has been replicated across Europe (and indeed the United States).  There are now strong, even controlling, elements of ‘populist’ (i.e. nationalist/facist) politics in several countries.  It is all chillingly reminiscent of pre-WW2 Germany.

I make no secret of my views: I think Brexit is, and will be, a disaster for the UK.  What’s more I think it is, and will be, a disaster for Europe as a whole.  Russia is, metaphorically, rubbing its hands at the turmoil, and exploting it for all it’s worth.  More than ever we, and the world, need a strong, united, progressive Europe, one where our long (if somewhat chequered) history and experience of diplomacy and negotiation would be a positive force.  On the outside we, and the EU, are diminished.

It’s too much to hope that politicians and public figures who “called it wrong”, on either side of the argument, will hold up their hands and say so.  It’s also too much to hope that Theresa May, if she really is pro-EU membership at heart, would actually precipitate a general election and possibly bring the whole Brexit process to a shuddering halt.  Was that a flying pig that just went by?




R.I.P Alfie Evans

Alfie Evans, a British toddler with an incurably terminal, undiagnosed, brain condition died in Liverpool Alder Hey hospital last week.   The circumstances of his death, and his family’s very public and costly legal fight to take him to a foreign hospital, were tragic.

Over the last days of his life there were public demonstrations outside the hospital, ostensibly of support for the child and his family, demonstrations which descended into ‘mob’ behaviour of intimidation and violence against staff at the hospital.  The desperate parents accused the doctors of “murder”.  All this made for great media interest (and no doubt circulation boost).

Over recent years there has been a growth of broadly similar pack behaviours, no doubt aided by access to social media.  One could speculate if they are manifestations of genuine sympathy or of something else.   We have seen the effects of this most dramatically in another sphere where, so-called, football supporters have demonstrated and pressurised club owners into sacking managers.  Any tragic death involving a child, whether by criminal action or accident, is now commonly accompanied by pop-up ‘shrines’ of flags, balloons, soft toys, candles, flowers and even football scarves.  Yesterday (28th April 2018) ‘supporters’ of the toddler Alfie Evans, and his family, released hundreds of helium filled balloons “in his memory” outside the hospital.

A helium-filled balloon is thought to be able soar up to five miles into the sky before shattering into small pieces. However, around 10% of them don’t make it that high and make it back down largely intact. They can travel for tens of miles, and will often land in the countryside where they are a hazard to wildlife and farm animals.  In the context of heightened concern over plastics in the environment generally we now know that, if they fall in the sea, they become a risk to marine life. Turtles are attracted to balloons, which can get trapped in their gut and cause starvation.   The Marine Conservation Society (MCS) says even the fragments could be harmful to hatchling turtles; dolphins, seabirds and other marine animals have been killed by balloons, or the plastic strings that are usually attached to them.

The MCS, which has long campaigned against balloon releases, says the amount of balloon debris on beaches in the UK has tripled since 1996, and some local authorities have banned the practice.  Alder Hey hospital is not far from the sea.  Whether or not metalised polyester helium filled balloons (such as were released) are a physical hazard to aircraft, or a problem for radar, Alder Hey hospital is not far from John Lennon (Liverpool) airport, and has its own emergency helipad.

I doubt the participants considered the environmental impact of symbolically releasing hundreds of balloons, or were concerned about the use of Helium (a finite resource), or the safety of aviators.  I doubt they thought about the risk of these balloons to helicopters bringing critically ill or injured people to Alder Hey, perhaps carrying children like Alfie Evans.  I doubt they thought about much at all, except their own mawkish involvement in the event.

I feel for Alfie Evans, and his parents, I do.  But mobs and pack mentality have no place in my sympathies, if for no other reason than they are ultimately selfish and so easily open to manipulation.  R.I.P Alfie.

“Snakes and Ladders” – a fictional story of predatory behaviour

‘Snakes and Ladders’

 “What goes around comes around”.  It’s a common enough aphorism, but God knows there is precious little evidence for a perfect karmic system of justice.  It has served me well enough though, helping me suck up the slights of life in the belief that the perpetrator, the cause of my angst, would one day ‘get’ his, or hers.  Taking the high ground, I used to call it.  It kept me out of a few confrontations but when it failed, bloodied and bruised, whether literally or metaphorically, I took comfort from belief in a future of righteous redress.  Until, that is, I met Nadine.

Nadine must have been born manipulative because even at 19, when we first met, she was already the finished article.  She had all the physical and intellectual assets one could want in a woman, except one: she had no scruples. She could make you feel you were in the wrong, and even apologise for getting in her way, as she put the boot in.  Fortunately for me our paths only crossed tangentially, but from time to time we had mutual friends and colleagues.  I heard from them about the damage she did but never that she’d been called to account.

I first came across her at a flat warming.  Three first year student friends of mine, Niki, Simon and Ella, were sharing a sunny first floor in Clapham.  Nadine came along to the party with a mutual friend of theirs.  Niki and Simon were a loose item, rather more loose to Simon than Niki it transpired when Nadine made a blatant play for him.  She was taller, more athletic, and cleverer than Niki and it didn’t take her long to ease the heartbroken girl out of the flat and take over her room.  Shortly after that she dumped Simon over some fabricated dalliance between him and Ella and, in three months from start to finish, she had the flat to herself.

By these and similar methods she clawed, inveigled or dissected, her way to an underserved first class degree (leaving her tutor’s marriage in tatters in the process) and then an MBA.  By the time she was ready for the snakes and ladders of business she’d ‘hopscotched’ her way across London from flat to maisonette to house, and along the way had accumulated a rather nice Alpha Romeo Spyder, a time share in Gleneagles, a pony (stabled) and more jewellery than could be decently worn in polite company.

The infuriating thing was that Nadine didn’t need to be this way; she was actually über competent, at everything.  She never climbed over someone into a qualification, a job, or a bed that she didn’t then occupy with more success and ease than the rightful incumbent.   Her reasoning seemed to be that there was no point in wasting everyone’s time, especially hers, proving that she was better at, or more deserving of, something someone else already had.  She just took it, used it, and then abandoned it when the next opportunity came her way, leaving someone else to pick up the pieces.

We were 5 years out of university before I saw her again.  I was with my, then, girlfriend Elaine at the British Film Institute; a season of Balkan avant-garde movies.  When the lights came up, there she was in the seat in front.  I tapped her on the shoulder.  We walked out to the foyer together, she chatting superficially in the way you do when you’re struggling to remember the name of someone you’ve met out of context.  She introduced us to her companion Boris, an under-something in the Croatian embassy, before we went our separate ways.  Later I heard she had a flat in Korcula and Boris had been demoted and transferred to a consulate in Bolivia.

We met a couple more times, just passing through the same airport departure lounge, or a reception somewhere, but the next occasion after that was different.  I was diligently, if tediously, working my way up the ladder in a private bank.  I even had a chic office on a favoured 35th floor corner in Canary Wharf.  Well, to be more accurate, it was my boss Dave that had the corner office, I was next door.  Anyway, one hot May I was sitting with my door open, for the illusion of cooler air, and looked up to see Nadine standing there, being introduced by Dave as his new P.A.  She was casually dressed in a tailored silk blouse and slacks, but every inch the powerful corporate animal.  There was just the merest flicker of recognition from her before she turned away and I knew right then that, whichever way the dice fell, poor Dave was about to land on a succession of squares with snake heads and slide right off the game board.

In a way Nadine counted me as a friend, well at least not an enemy, because I’d never had anything she wanted, nor stood between her and her next objective.  Nevertheless it was prudent self-preservation that stopped me from trying to warn Dave.  Instead I watched her, in the way a fascinated child watches a python in the zoo, as she undulated her way into position for her next live meal.

Her first coil was simple and subtle: a presentation to a new client went unaccountably wrong.  A brochure was bound with some pages upside down, a name tag was misspelled, some annual account figures didn’t quite add up.  The outsourced printers took most of the blame, but the CEO noticed the beads of sweat break out on Dave’s upper lip, and the adroit way that Nadine gathered up the loose ball and ran with it.  She knew exactly what to say, and how to say it in such a way as to leave the unmistakable impression of a man out of his depth being rescued by a loyal and undervalued assistant.

The second coil wound on quickly afterwards, at a Wimbledon-week garden party for some minor-royal Saudi client.  Of course there was no alcohol on offer with the post- match strawberries, but ever-attentive Nadine saw to it that, as he networked the clients, Dave’s glass of fruit punch was always topped up, but with a little hidden extra.  When he was found face down in the shrubbery Nadine was tending him wearing a Royal teal-blue hijab she had secreted in her handbag.  The contrast between her chaste modesty and her disarrayed drunken boss ensured that control of the account passed to her, and she was being tipped to head up the Dammam office the following year.

The only time she came even close to being exposed was when Ranjit, the night security guard, found her going through Dave’s desk and laptop.  She was copying and deleting files, leaving a trail of incompetence for her coup de grâce.  Ranjit was no match for Nadine and easily fell victim to her blushing embarrassment; he was “paid in kind”, then blackmailed, for his silence.  And so it went on; little by little the life, and job, was squeezed out of Dave.

About 6 months later I happened to be sharing the lift with Nadine, by then my boss, when it shuddered to a stop between floors.  Ordinarily being trapped in a lift with a more-than attractive predatory female would be the stuff of many a male fantasy, but the barely nascent thought was stifled by the realisation that, at last, what had gone around was about to come around in spades: Nadine was obviously very scared, and she began to unravel.  This time it was her doing the sweating, her with a look of non-comprehension on her face, and her out of control as she crumpled into a corner hugging her knees and gabbling.  It wasn’t hard to get her to talk about herself at any time so it only took gentle prompting, purely as a way of calming her nerves you understand, to get her to review her successful career and catalogue her victories and victims.  By the time we got to the juicy details of poor Dave’s fall she was standing again, head back in full flow, assured and confident as ever.

After about an hour power to the lift was restored, and downward travel resumed.  Nadine checked herself over in the mirrored wall of the lift car, adjusted her neck line, smoothed down her skirt, and flicked her hair before turning and thanking me for helping her keep calm. At the 8th floor, where she was going to a wine and canapés ‘do’ for future vice-presidents, she gave me a peck on the cheek, at the same time digging her finger nails ever-so gently into my hand to tell me, as if I needed telling, that she intended her ‘performance’ to be our little secret.

Me?  I was on my way home to Elaine, but I got out of the lift as well.  I thought that walking the last few floors would give me time to think, about what I should do and how it might play out, and I was right.  By the time I had reached the lobby, I knew.  I ran the last flights to the basement security office and Ranjit, and the recording from the in-lift CCTV camera.  Despite the emergency lighting in the stranded lift, the dim images were perfectly usable, and the sound crystal clear.

Don’t you just love ‘YouTube’?


© Andrew Gold 2015

Harvey Weinstein – are we all to blame?

Anyone who knows me will know how repugnant I find this man’s behaviour and, by extension, all such behaviour. It is hateful. Intolerable. However, outside the bright spotlight focussed on Weinstein, there is something uncomfortable we shouldn’t ignore. Something in the mirror. Ourselves. Men and Women. Parents. Colleagues. Employers.

Some men and women in powerful positions over others will always try to abuse their power.   Sex is a basic human drive, for men and women, and we are never going to change that.  Predatory behaviour in business practice is encouraged, is celebrated.  Put all that together and you have the context for a Weinstein to operate.  However since the 1950s, when the advertising gurus on Madison Avenue (USA) declared that “Sex sells”, we have become progressively inured to the sexualisation of everything from selling M&Ms and hair care products, to the cult of celebrity, in “Strictly Come Dancing” or even animation programmes on childrens’ TV.  It is acceptably normal for popular music to be performed, and promoted, by overtly sexual behaviour.  In fact, when someone just stands there and sings, or plays, it is remarkable.

For as long as WE think it is is OK for men to tolerate (even encourage) sexual inuendo as harmless banter, for as long as it is OK for women to be encouraged to wear sexually revealing / provocative clothes, the bar for the likes of Weinstein is raised.  Business executives who want female employees to wear open blouses, and high heeled shoes, to work are complicit.  The producers of childrens’ films as diverse as ‘Beauty and The Beast or ‘The Incredibles’, that idealise female image as big breasted, large hipped and wasp waisted, are complicit.  The moderators of the BBC Breakfast facebook page, that allow posts that refer to the tightness of a presenter’s dress, are complicit.  We are all, to some degree, complicit.

I am absolutely not saying that women who dress ‘provocatively’, or just take a pride in their appearance, are “asking for it”.  Nor am I blind to the fact that women are just as capable of coercion and predatory behaviour, or that some ‘transactions’ of this kind are consensual.  What I am saying is that we all need to look in the mirror when we point an accusatory finger at high level perpetrators: while we put up with the sexual objectivisation of women (yes, and men) in our daily lives it is easier for the likes of Harvey Weinstein to exploit their power.


“Brexigration” – or how to conflate two undeliverable ideas, UK style

I watched the Prime Minister, yesterday, commenting in the House on a ‘leaked’ government draft paper on future (post Brexit) immigration policy;

As I understand the PM, in the context of Brexit, the “British People” accept immigration is broadly beneficial but “just want to have control over it”.  Actually I think many people do not accept immigration is beneficial and want it stopped, period.  To be clear, I do not share this view.

Be that as it may, I cannot see how the proposals, whatever they turn out to be in detail, can deliver control without an effective means of detecting, detaining, and removing those immigrants who do not comply with the requirements of their registration / residency / work entitlement.

The focus seems to be, in the first instance anyway, on immigrants from EU countries by putting in place controls for them which are, broadly, like those already in place for non-EU citizens.  However, the controls in place for non-EU citizens demonstrably fail:  it appears the Border Agency (and whoever else) cannot keep track of,  and remove when necessary, those already here.  Ignoring the unknown number of illegal immigrants (from wherever), whether settled or itinerant, working in the black economy or trafficked, our immigration detention centres already seem to be full, with a mixed bag of illegal immigrants, failed asylum seekers, criminals awaiting deportation and visa ‘overstayers’.  One consequence of this seems to be those identified as ‘illegal’ are bailed to report, or reappear in court, and immediately disappear back into the populace at large.  What a surprise.

Whenever there is a TV news story about police resources, they often use a bit of film of two police officers walking along.  It makes me smile, all that is missing is the theme music from “The Bill”.  When did anyone outside London last see two police officers on foot?  Or even in a car?  We live on an island but I don’t see how, without massively increased resources in coastal and land border patrols, in police numbers, in courts, in detention and removal facilities, this is going to work.  And, given the continuing vice-like squeeze on budgets generally, who in government is going to argue for that?  In my opinion this is just one more bit of “oh shit, we’ve promised this so we’d better do something” policy making.

Dear God, not again…

“Steve Bannon, the ousted White House chief strategist, is reportedly considering starting a television network which would allow him to “go nuclear” as he settles vendettas with moderate advisers in the White House and pressures President Donald Trump to pursue a populist agenda of economic nationalism.
Allies of Mr Bannon compared him to a “tiger freed from his cage,” suggesting things would get “ugly” as he targets the Republican establishment and what he calls “West Wing Democrats”. (source Daily Telegraph 20 August 2017)
I don’t know what this feels like in the USA, but for those of us on the European side of the ‘pond’, with memory and some history education, this all sounds horribly familiar and quite scary. Bannon’s CV is not so dissimilar to that of Josef Goebbels in pre-war Germany. Like Goebbels, Bannon understands the power of the media, and his ‘Breitbart’ website looks set to spawn a TV channel. Like Goebbels, he plays on the disappointment of a marginalised electorate. By ‘firing’ Bannon, I suspect Trump is really unleashing him to stir up the so-called ‘Alt-Right’, because he is continually baulked by more moderate forces. It is all frighteningly reminiscent of the creation of the Black Shirts, and later the SS, taking politics out of the debating chamber and into the street, with violence. Unlike pre-war Germany, the populace in the US has the constitutional right to bear arms, and don’t they know it: already turning out to rallies in paramilitary gear and carrying automatic weapons. 10 years before the outbreak of WW2, Goebbels couldn’t get elected to save his life.  In 1923 Hitler was in prison and on trial for Treason. You all know what happened after that. Trump may be a bufoon, or he may not. Either way his backers, and populist supporters, are dangerous. If Trump becomes a liability, I don’t think the likes of Bannon will think twice about moving him out of the way.  .



Lyme Disease is one of several bacterial infections which can be passed to humans by the bite of an infected tick.  It is important to be aware of it, and the potential risks posed by a tick bite, because it is a multi-systemic infection which can affect the central nervous system, muscles (including the heart) and cognitive function of the brain: it can be severely disabling, long lasting and potentially fatal.  Therefore early diagnosis, and prompt treatment, is crucial to minimising the effects of disease.

Knowledge about Lyme Disease in the NHS Primary Care system is patchy, official advice and guidelines are inconsistent, therefore prompt diagnosis and effective treatment are not assured.  The first line of defence is to avoid being bitten.  Nobody wants to stop people enjoying the open air.  The physical and psychological benefits of enjoying the countryside outweigh the risks, but you need to take sensible precautions.  Wear appropriate clothing: long sleeves, trousers with cuffs tucked into socks: not shorts, sandals and sleeveless ‘crop tops’.  Use a DEET based tick repellent on exposed skin, but remember it may need to be reapplied if you are out all day.

If you might be at tick risk, say on a day out in the countryside, it is good practice to check yourself thoroughly at the end of the day, and at intervals through the day to check your clothes for ‘questing’ ticks.   You may need the assistance of a good friend: ticks can hide in places hard to see.  Remember that a tick which can carry disease may be as small as a poppy seed, but if you find a tick attached don’t panic: they don’t all carry disease.  Although disease transmission can begin in as little as 6 hours, it is as important to remove an attached tick correctly as it is to remove it promptly.  Use of the correct technique, preferably with a purpose designed tick removal tool or needle-nosed tweezers, is vital to avoid crushing the tick and provoking it to pass any bacteria to you. Do not use your fingers, apply creams, Vaseline, alcohol or attempt to burn it off with a match head or cigarette end.

Ticks are not “spreading north”, as has been rather sensationally described recently.  The UK has, and has had for many millenia, ticks widely distributed.  Although we know their preferred habitat is leafy woodland, heathland, and long vegetation, anecdotally ticks are becoming more active over a wider geographical range and longer across the seasons.  Again, anecdotally, 2017 seems to be a ‘bad’ year for ticks.  It is not known whether this is because of global warming, changes in land use, changes in agricultural practices or some other reason.  While there are so-called ‘hot spots’, even within ‘tick country’ like the Highlands, or the New Forest, it is not really known where they are in greater or lesser numbers or whether the ticks there are proportionally more or less infected than elsewhere.  In fact there is no reliably accurate information on the proportion of UK ticks that carry disease.  Estimates range from 2-15%.

The fact is you don’t need to be wild walking or camping to find a tick.  You could get bitten by an infected tick in your urban garden, allotment or an urban park, because they can travel on mice, hedgehogs, domestic pets, urban foxes and even migrating birds.  At present there is no mandatory check for ticks on pets returning from a foreign ‘holiday’ and some species of imported ticks can survive indoors, unlike our ‘domestic’ ticks which need moisture to survive, and they can carry disease pathogens not normally present in the UK.

The official estimate of new cases of Lyme Disease, in the UK, annually is about 3000.  Until very recently the Centre for Disease Control (CDC) in the USA estimated cases there as 30,000.  They have revised that to 300,000.  There appear to be more cases Lyme Disease (and other tick borne diseases) in mainland Europe than the UK, but that may be because other countries collect data differently.  The wide range of estimates of new UK cases is, regrettably, just estimates.  Any apparent increase in cases may be down to increased awareness, both in the public and the medical profession.  Since 2010 Lyme Disease has not been a notifiable disease in the UK, unless acquired occupationally when it would be reported to the HSE under the RIDDOR regulations, or in military service.  Data are not collected in the UK unless the disease is confirmed by a UK laboratory blood test.  An unknown proportion of cases are treated on clinical judgement without a confirming blood test.  This needs to change if we are to understand the scale of the incidence of UK acquired Lyme Disease.

Both Public Health England (PHE), and The Big Tick Project (based in Bristol) receive ticks collected by members of the public in the UK.  PHE will examine the ticks it receives to see what disease pathogens they carry.  Anything, like an app, that more reliably records where, and in what numbers,  ticks are found may be helpful.  Indeed there have been apps developed in the UK before, and there are a number of so-called ‘tick MAPS’ to be found on the internet.  Unless the information is properly recorded, in a standard format, it may not provide scientifically reliable data.  Incomplete information can also lull people into a false sense of security if they are led to believe they are in a low risk area.

There is, as yet, no vaccine against Lyme Disease.  Scientists and Doctors are beginning to accept that their previous certainty about detection and treatment of Lyme Disease is less secure.  There is more open-mindedness about the sensitivity and reliability of standard tests.  There is more willingness to consider different drugs, doses, duration and method of delivery of treatment.  There is less certainty than hitherto about the potential for complete cure, about relapses or about the persistence of the bacteria.

Whatever the accurate number of new UK cases, every year there is a fresh cohort of victims: new blood samples, new prescriptions of drugs, new outcomes.  Because there is no centrally directed or co-ordinated recording, monitoring of diagnosis, treatments or outcomes, there is no dataset of Lyme Disease victims available to researchers to see whether one treatment works better than another, whether there is a measurable treatment failure rate, or for evidence of relapse or post-treatment persistence.

A large number of Lyme ‘victims’ have, over many years, reported persisting illness despite approved treatment.  Naturally, in desperation, and with the help of the internet, they look elsewhere for help.  This has led to a rise in the number of ‘alternative’ or ‘unorthodox’ treatments being offered and tried.  While, for the most part, there is little evidence that these work it is well to remember that “absence of evidence does not mean evidence of absence”.  In due course it may be proven, by more research and clinically controlled double-blind trials, that there is scientifically replicable evidence.  Without such evidence the orthodox medical community, and regulatory bodies, will always rely on the official guidance.

The longer someone has disease without treatment, the more intractable it can become.  Given the potentially large number of under, or undiagnosed, victims there may need to be more work on so-called late stage, or disseminated, Lyme involving referrals to specialist clinics and a multi-disciplinary approach.  One of the things we do know is that, amongst recorded and confirmed cases, the age group most at risk of developing the disease appears to be 45-64.  We do not know why this is, but we do know that we have an ageing population so it is not unreasonable to extrapolate from this that, if for no other reason, there will be more cases in future.

I Robot, You Robot.

I’ve just been watching a worrying short item on the BBC’s technology prgramme ‘CLICK’.  It was about robots replacing humans in more and more jobs. Nothing new there, you might think.  After all, we have become used to robots in manufacturing, where they have been replacing repetitive manual tasks since as long ago as the industrial revolution, improving the human condition by replacing humans in jobs where the environment is hazardous.  However it is predicted that by 2030, yes 17 years from now, 30% of all jobs currently performed by humans, in America at least, will be performed by robots.  There is already a debate going on, predictably led by California, about…..wait for it…..the loss of tax revenue from people no longer in work.  One suggestion is that the robots should, themselves, be taxed and the revenue raised used to retrain the displaced humans.

The problem, as I see it, is that the social consequences of, and reaction to, increasing automation are now potentially as serious as those faced by the cotton weavers who were confronted by the invention of the ‘Spinning Jenny in the 18th century.  And this is why.  The ever-increasing rate of technological ‘advance’ is allowing ‘robotisation’ of tasks that are not repetitive but require decision making, adaptive (learning) response and predictive ability:  we are talking not about robots but artificial intelligence.  We’ve already seen the squeezing out of clerical jobs formerly held by the moderately educated working class.  Face-to-face interactions have been largely replaced by menu driven telephone and internet contact.  Even those that retain jobs where customer contact is required are subject to the sort of reliance on automation as parodied by David Walliams’ comedic character who says “Computer says no”.  Everything is subject to automation: farming, retailing catering, even fighting wars, are already being stripped of humans.  Robot delivery of goods bought from an entirely automated warehouse is being trialled, along with driverless cars.  Pilotless airliners are, and have been for years, entirely technically feasible.  Even nursing and some medical interventions are being automated.  The upward pressure of artificial intelligence is moving inexorably on to squeeze the educated middle class.  The technically competent will be deployed devising and maintaining the robots, but what will the ‘thinkers’ do?

The idea that humans doing low grade, low income, low satisfaction work, will somehow be released by automation into a utopian world of creativity is laughable.  It’s not, and never has been since the days of Spinning Jenny, about  change for the benefit of society: it is, and has always been, about productivity and profit.  How to make more money for less investment. What then of those whose educational attainment is not suited to this world?  How will the politicians, the industrialists and the financiers, ensure that the displaced still have a living wage?  If they have been superseded by a machine, on the basis that the machine will be cheaper per transaction (whatever that ‘transaction’ is), how will they be paid more than the machine ‘earns’?  It makes no sense.

And so I return to the title of my piece.  “I Robot, You Robot”.  Isaac Assimov wrote “I Robot”, but from H.G. Wells’s “Time Machine” to Philip Dick’s “Blade Runner” and James Cameron’s “Terminator” the world of literature and film has been describing a dystopian future where a disatisfied underclass rebels against the machines and their guardians.  It used to be called Science Fiction, but look around; it doesn’t seem much like fiction any more.


Grenfell Tower – A Tombstone for Austerity?

Image from ‘The Grocer’

The disastrous, multi-fatality, fire in a London residential tower block exposes more than questionable building practice.  With any luck it may, just may, also finally drive a stake through the still twitching heart of Austerity.

On the night of 13/14 June Grenfell Tower, 24 storeys of flats in the London Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, caught fire.  At the time of writing it appears the fire started accidentally in one flat on the 4th floor.  There are unsubstantiated suspicions of arson, perhaps because the block seemed almost to be home to many ethnic minority families, some of them refugees.  It is critically important that the Fire and Police authorities establish (and hopefully rule out) whether the cause was deliberate but the painstaking forensic work to prove, or disprove, arson has added to the slowness of the recovery operation.  This slowness added to frustrations which boiled over into direct action and the storming of the Town Hall.

Whatever the cause, the fire took hold and spread with astonishing speed and, despite heroic efforts of firefighters, the result has been scores of deaths and injuries and hundreds more made homeless.  The shell of the building will probably be demolished but perhaps part of it should remain, Reichstag-like, as a permanent reminder of the obscenity of Austerity: a symbolic headstone for one of the most unfair and divisive policies of our times.

Questions are being raised about the safety of similar high-rise residences, and especially local authority social high-rise residences, all across the UK.  As the initial shock subsided, anger appeared.  Anger directed at government (local and national), at architects, building contractors, indeed at anyone who represented authority who, however well intentioned, appeared at the scene to offer ineffectual sympathy and support.  This anger has already been seized on by groups who have taken advantage to promote a political agenda.

What we have seen, though, is the paralysis of parts of the local and national government system.  It seems unable to act in a coherent and effective way, and yet there are co-ordinated and rehearsed response plans for tragic events which result in mass casualties, like terrorism, a train or plane crash, or a sports stadium fire.  These plans derive from, or are refined because of, previous events where procedures were found wanting.  In this case, however, the authorities seem to have been totally unprepared and, worse, made incapable of responding by not having resources (physical, financial and especially human).  Faced with hundreds of people evacuated from the fire in their nightclothes, who had lost everything including the lives of family members, they appeared to not know what to do.  It was left to the community itself to respond with water, food, clothes and even shelter.  The immediate, and urgent, need to distribute casualties to hospitals across London, many of them unidentifiable or incapable of identifying themselves, led to mass uncertainty about the numbers, identity, and whereabouts of survivors.  The apparent systemic failure to track, and keep track of, people has added to the anger.  Furthermore, the event has exposed an uncertainty about who was in the building in the first place.  Some flats were owner-occupied, presumably sold off under Thatcher’s “Right to Buy” legislation.  Questions about who was entitled to be there, who may have been visiting legitimately, who was absent for any reason, who might have been ‘camping’ unofficially with friends or relatives, who may have been illegally sub-letting from the rightful tenant appear, so far, to be unanswered and perhaps unanswerable.  We may never know, and we may never even know the identities of those persons whose bodies are recovered.  If the building collapses spontaneously before all the victims are recovered, we may even not have a total number of bodies, never mind all the identities of victims.

At the heart of this is the housing crisis:  in a major city, with high numbers of transient people, there will always be some who ‘bend’ the rules.  It is inevitable.  However when housing provision is inadequate (in quality, quantity and affordability), the pressure to do so is increased.  Starved of funds to build, maintain, and manage housing stock many local authorities have been forced to pass on these responsibilities to arms-length groups or the private sector, a private sector primarily driven by profit rather than public service.  In the case of Grenfell Tower, the building was maintained and managed by The Kensington and Chelsea Tenant Management Organisation (KCTMO).  Ostensibly such an organisation is devolutionary: it is meant to improve democracy, to make the tenants themselves more directly involved in decision making, priority setting, maintenance and tenancy management.  It is meant to be more responsive than a town-hall based bureaucracy but, in reality, it devolves the management to people who may well be ill-equipped to handle it, leaving only a ‘rump’ of administrative expertise and support to liaise with them at the town hall.  And, of course, it is intended to save money.  This is especially a feature of post-financial crash local government: Austerity has seen local services closed down, or taken on by charitably funded volunteers.  Taking on a local library or swimming pool is one thing, running a large housing project is another thing entirely.  I have no way of knowing if this played a part in Kensington and Chelsea, but certainly local authorities across the country have been stripped of experienced housing officers, building inspectors and other professionals, like Architects and Surveyors, while their work has been sub-contracted.  In the case of Grenfell Tower it seems the building was recently refurbished, part of which was the over-cladding of the structure with insulated panels to improve the thermal performance of the structure.  There are suspicions, as yet unproven, about these panels being the cause of the rapid spread of the fire.  In due course we shall know if this is the case.  Even if they were, it may be that their specification was completely in accordance with the Building Regulations.  It may be that the work was competently carried out, and inspected, in accordance with the specifications though, given the state of the building now, it may be impossible to tell.  If that is so, then the Building Regulations may be changed.  If there were contractual failures, or unauthorised substitutions of materials, then the law will take its course – eventually.  Eventually is not good enough for the victims, their families, or residents in similar buildings the length and breadth of the UK.  The underlying question is whether an organisation like KCTMO is capable of effectively monitoring something like a complex building project, or its on-going management.  The more you break down and extend the chain of management, the more layers you build in, the more risk there is of failure.  What happens to accountability in these circumstances?

The tenants at Grenfell Tower, apparently, made repeated representations to KCTMO, to their elected council representatives and to their MP about safety concerns.  They claim these representations have been ignored.  When the inevitable public enquiry concludes, and reports, we may well find it isn’t only Building Regulations that are revised.

As the shock continues to subside, and recovery begins, people are asking what can be done to support all those directly affected: victims and relatives, emergency services workers, police etc.  I have heard pleas for on-the-ground community mental health workers to be deployed.  I have to ask where they will come from?  Surely not from NHS mental health services so eviscerated like every other public service by Austerity cuts that in normal times you can’t get an appointment for week or even months!  And as for rehousing the survivors in three weeks, as the government has promised; what about funerals?  The heartbreak of those whose traditions and religion require particular arrangements, which cannot be observed, is palpable.

No, everywhere you look in this tragedy you find the taint of Austerity that has been sucking the life blood out of our communities for years.  The aftermath of the fire has also exposed fault lines that run through ethnic, cultural, and class divides, and exposes the very centre of our political system to a charge of institutional disinterest and carelessness.  If not handled with great sensitivity, and determination, the consequences for our society may reach further, and last longer, than the immediate effects of the fire itself.  It would be tragedy heaped upon tragedy if another victim of this event were community cohesion.